In your analysis of genders and social stratification
you seem to affirm that the more a woman can obtain sexual equality in
the job market, the higher condition of actual equality she will obtain
her in family. Is this equal involvement in the productive system the
only variable having an effect on the power relationships within a
couple? Can your model of rituals be useful in understanding the rise
of a feminist consciousness? And what could be the role of
technologies, such as – for example – the
electrical household appliances freeing the woman from a part of her
household labour, or the TV allowing the woman to share in culture and
identities which are usually exclusively male? Yes,
there are multiple conditions operating here. The most important effect
of women finding good-paying jobs in the labor force has been that,
compared to past historical conditions, many women do not directly
depend upon a man – husband or father – for
economic support, and hence are freed from the enclosure of a
household. This means also becoming freed from the rituals which took
place in the household, and which tended to have an ideological effect
even on women’s consciousness – traditionally this
was mainly the ritualistic identity of women with their families,
social status of their households, and religion. The mobilization of
young women to carry out their own rituals, outside the family [often
in educational settings, or in the context of social movement meetings]
was at the center of the waves of feminism in the 20th
century. As to technology – household appliances themselves
had an ambiguous effect, since these tended to make women raise their
standards of what a socially respectable household should be, so that
they tended to increase the amount of household labor in many respects
during the middle of the 20th century
– especially in the 1950s. The effects of a new technology is
always subordinate to the social interactions that it is embedded in. I
notice that today the most liberated young people – at least
this is true in the Usa – tend to have jettisoned the idea of
having a nice household; the technology is available for them to keep
it clean and neat, but the cultural ideal goes in the opposite
direction. It is a kind of cultural antinomianism against the
traditional appearance of the household.
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In Italy, as in all probability in the Usa, the
controversy about the abortion is always up to date. In your book Sociological
Insight, now translated in Italy (L’intelligenza
sociologica), you give an interesting analysis of the
antiabortion movement, the ritual and symbolic features of this group,
its need to regain its power as an elite in decline, its antimodernism,
etc. Can you provide us with a synthetic explanation of your deep
insights about that? The anti-abortion movement
seems to have passed its peak in the Usa. It has had strong symbolic
resonances, on one side representing the defense of the family and of
traditional morality; on the other side, “choice”
was a slogan of the woman’s movement, which achieved its
successes by mobilizing women against the traditional household. Choice
in matters of sexual behavior means not only the possibility to choose
abortion, but also in the larger symbolic and practical context, the
choice of women to control their own sexuality. It implies that women
could do what men had traditionally done, have sex apart from marriage
and apart from the intention of having children. In many respects this
battle has been won in the Usa, and the anti-abortion movement is a
kind of rear guard of traditionalism. The new battleline has moved on
to other symbolic issues such as gay marriage. From a Durkheimian
perspective, as I have discussed above, this will not be the last
controversy. Ritual conflicts over symbols will continue in the future,
probably as long as human societies exist.
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